Under Milosevic, a program of harassment of ethnic Albanians was begun in 1990. Most Albanian doctors and health workers were dismissed from hospitals. Six thousand teachers were fired in 1990 and the rest dismissed when they refused to comply with a new Serbian curriculum, which largely eliminated the teaching of Albanian literature and history. Arbitrary arrests and police violence became routine, including arrests for insulting the "patriotic feelings" of Serbian citizens.
These repressive policies stimulated the growth of the Kosovo Liberation Army, which in turn brought more aggression from the Serb army. NATO gave Milosevic many ultimatums to stop the ethnic cleansing of Albanians. These he systematically ignored.

Within hours of the start of NATO bombing, Milosevic’s forces inside Kosovo began a campaign of murder, looting and intimidation to drive Kosovo’s Albanian population out of the territory. Random shootings and artillery bombardments emptied village after village, and refugees fled either into the surrounding mountains or bordering countries.

The KFOR forces


On our way to Gjakova we passed heavily fortified military KFOR camps — a number of them containing U.S. forces. As our car struggled over the broken roads, we kept passing or being passed by U.N. vans and U.S. humvees, the vehicles that replaced jeeps. Superficially, at least, Kosovo seems to be under total military control. U.S. commanders in Kosovo are assessing whether more troops will be needed to prevent an outbreak of a large-scale conflict. Small-scale attacks happen regularly. Recently in Prague, U.S. secretary of state Madeleine Albright said, "After all that has happened, we do not expect the rival communities in Kosovo to immediately join hands and start singing folk songs."

The Italian army was in charge of security in Gjakova, the city where our workshop was held. The Italians had tanks placed in front of Serb churches and other property to protect them from Albanians. They were alert and seemed to expect more outbreaks of violence.

At a break in our program, I went downtown to get some pictures of the Italian troops.

As I raised my camera, several soldiers pushed me against the wall and took it. One disappeared into the building while another stood guard over me.
An English-speaking officer arrived and questioned me as to who I was, what I was doing here, etc. He said he would call the international police, who would further question me. As he rang the police, it occurred to me to give him the copy of the program we were running. He discussed this with the police and they evidently told him I was not a major hazard, so he returned my camera and sent me on my way.
 
The war and Gjakova

Our host, Agron Zaimi, is a neuropsychiatrist who had been the CEO at the local hospital until removed by the Serbs. He believes much of the weight of the war fell on Gjakova because the population was 97 percent Albanian and the Kosovo Liberation Army was strong here. The Serbs destroyed much of the city, including several historic mosques. On one of my morning walks, I got lost, because rubble gives you few clues as to where you are.

When the Serbs were in control of the town, they arrested, and in some cases killed, local men. Fifteen hundred men from the city remain missing. Kosovo spokespersons believe that different Serbian groups probably hold 500 of them and that the other 1,000 are dead. The exact number is not known because the Serbs will not release names. Many families don’t know if their relatives are dead or being held. Irregular Serb forces are rumored to demand $10,000 a man to return men to their families.



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